«История европейской морали от Августа до Карла Великого (Том 1)»

«Затем занимают ближайшие места те, кто печально наложил на себя смерть своими руками, и, ненавидя свет, выбросили души. Как бы они хотели в высоком эфире теперь переносить и бедность, и тяжкие труды». — «Энеида», VI, 434-437.

308. Cicero has censured suicide in his De Senectute, in the Somn. Scipionis, and in the Tusculans. Concerning the death of Cato, he says, that the occasion was such as to constitute a divine call to leave life.—Tusc. i. 309. Apuleius, De Philos. Plat. lib. i. 310.

Так Овидий:—

«В невзгодах легко презирать жизнь, мужественно поступает тот, кто может быть несчастным».

См. также Марциала, XI, 56.

311. Especially Ep. xxiv. Seneca desires that men should not commit suicide with panic or trepidation. He says that those condemned to death should await their execution, for “it is a folly to die through fear of death;” and he recommends men to support old age as long as their faculties remain unimpaired. On this last point, however, his language is somewhat contradictory. There is a good review of the opinions of the ancients in general, and of Seneca in particular, on this subject in Justus Lipsius' Manuductio ad Stoicam Philosophiam, lib. iii. dissert. 22, 23, from which I have borrowed much. 312. In his Meditations, ix. 3, he speaks of the duty of patiently awaiting death. But in iii. 1, x. 8, 22-32, he clearly recognises the right of suicide in some cases, especially to prevent moral degeneracy. It must be remembered that the Meditations of Marcus Aurelius were private notes for his personal guidance, that all the Stoics admitted it to be wrong to commit suicide in cases where the act would be an injury to society, and that this consideration in itself would be sufficient to divert an emperor from the deed. Antoninus, the uncle, predecessor, and model of M. Aurelius, had considered it his duty several times to prevent Hadrian from committing suicide (Spartianus, Hadrianus). According to Capitolinus, Marcus Aurelius in his last illness purposely accelerated his death by abstinence. The duty of not hastily, or through cowardice, abandoning a path of duty, and the right of man to quit life when it appears intolerable, are combined very clearly by Epictetus, Arrian, i. 9; and the latter is asserted in the strongest manner, i. 24-25. 313. Porphyry, De Abst. Carnis, ii. 47; Plotinus, 1st Enn. ix. Porphyry says (Life of Plotinus) that Plotinus dissuaded him from suicide. There is a good epitome of the arguments of this school against suicide in Macrobius, In Som. Scip. 1. 314. Quoted by Seneca, Ep. xxvi. Cicero states the Epicurean doctrine to be, “Ut si tolerabiles sint dolores, feramus, sin minus æquo animo e vita, cum ea non placet, tanquam e theatro, exeamus” (De Finib. i. 15); and again, “De Diis immortalibus sine ullo metu vera sentit. Non dubitat, si ita melius sit, de vita migrare.”—Id. i. 19. 315. This is noticed by St. Jerome. 316. Corn. Nepos, Atticus. He killed himself when an old man, to shorten a hopeless disease. 317. Petronius, who was called the arbitrator of tastes (“elegantiæ arbiter”), was one of the most famous voluptuaries of the reign of Nero. Unlike most of his contemporaries, however, he was endowed with the most exquisite and refined taste; his graceful manners fascinated all about him, and made him in matters of pleasure the ruler of the Court. Appointed Proconsul of Bithynia, and afterwards Consul, he displayed the energies and the abilities of a statesman. A Court intrigue threw him out of favour; and believing that his death was resolved on, he determined to anticipate it by suicide. Calling his friends about him, he opened his veins, shut them, and opened them again; prolonged his lingering death till he had arranged his affairs; discoursed in his last moments, not about the immortality of the soul or the dogmas of philosophers, but about the gay songs and epigrams of the hour; and partaking of a cheerful banquet, died as recklessly as he had lived. (Tacit. Annal. xvi. 18-19.) It has been a matter of much dispute whether or not this Petronius was the author of the Satyricon, one of the most licentious and repulsive works in Latin literature. 318. Seneca, De Vita Beata, xix. 319. “Imperfectæ vero in homine naturæ præcipua solatia, ne Deum quidem posse omnia; namque nec sibi potest mortem consciscere si velit, quod homini dedit optimum in tantis vitæ pœnis.”—Hist. Nat. ii. 5. 320. Hist. Nat. ii. 63. We need not be surprised at this writer thus speaking of sudden death, “Mortes repentinæ (hoc est summa vitæ felicitas),” vii. 54. 321. Tusc. Quæst. lib. 1. Another remarkable example of an epidemic of suicide occurred among the young girls of Miletus. (Aul. Gell. xv. 10.) 322. Sir Cornewall Lewis, On the Credibility of Early Roman History, vol. ii. p. 430. See, too, on this class of suicides, Cromaziano, Istorica Critica del Suicidio (Venezia, 1788), pp. 81-82. The real name of the author of this book (which is, I think, the best history of suicide) was Buonafede. He was a Celestine monk. The book was first published at Lucca in 1761. It was translated into French in 1841. 323. Senec. De Provid. ii.; Ep. xxiv. 324. See some examples of this in Seneca, Ep. lxx. 325. See a long catalogue of suicides arising from this cause, in Cromaziano, Ist. del Suicidio, pp. 112-114. 326. Consol. ad Marc. c. xx. 327. De Ira, iii. 15. 328. Ep. lxx. 329. See Donne's Biathanatos (London, 1700), pp. 56-57. Gibbon's Decline and Fall, ch. xliv. Blackstone, in his chapter on suicide, quotes the sentence of the Roman lawyers on the subject: “Si quis impatientia doloris aut tædio vitæ aut morbo aut furore aut pudore mori maluit non animadvertatur in eum.” Ulpian expressly asserts that the wills of suicides were recognised by law, and numerous examples of the act, notoriously prepared and publicly and gradually accomplished, prove its legality in Rome. Suetonius, it is true, speaks of Claudius accusing a man for having tried to kill himself (Claud, xvi.), and Xiphilin says (lxix. 8) that Hadrian gave special permission to the philosopher Euphrates to commit suicide, “on account of old age and disease;” but in the first case it appears from the context that a reproach and not a legal action was meant, while Euphrates, I suppose, asked permission to show his loyalty to the emperor, and not as a matter of strict necessity. There were, however, some Greek laws condemning suicide, probably on civic grounds. Josephus mentions (De Bell. Jud. iii. 8) that in some nations “the right hand of the suicide was amputated, and that in Judea the suicide was only buried after sunset.” A very strange law, said to have been derived from Greece, is reported to have existed at Marseilles. Poison was kept by the senate of the city, and given to those who could prove that they had sufficient reason to justify their desire for death, and all other suicide was forbidden. The law was intended, it was said, to prevent hasty suicide, and to make deliberate suicide as rapid and painless as possible. (Valer. Maximus, ii. 6, § 7.) In the Reign of Terror in France, a law was made similar to that of Domitian. (Carlyle's Hist. of the French Revolution, book v. c. ii.) 330. Compare with this a curious “order of the day,” issued by Napoleon in 1802, with the view of checking the prevalence of suicide among his soldiers. (Lisle, Du Suicide, pp. 462-463.) 331.

См. Светония, «Отон», гл. X-XI, и очень прекрасное описание у Тацита, «История», кн. II, гл. 47-49. Марциал сравнивает смерть Отона со смертью Катона:

«Пусть Катон, пока живет, конечно, даже больше Цезаря; когда он умирает, был ли он больше Отона?» — Эпиграммы, VI, 32.

332. Xiphilin, lxviii. 12. 333. Tacit. Hist. ii. 49. Suet. Otho, 12. Suetonius says that, in addition to these, many soldiers who were not present killed themselves on hearing the news. 334. Ibid. Annal. xiv. 9. 335. Plin. Hist. Nat. vii. 54. The opposite faction attributed this suicide to the maddening effects of the perfumes burnt on the pile. 336. Tacit. Annal. vi. 26. 337. Plin. Ep. i. 12. 338. This history is satirically and unfeelingly told by Lucian. See, too, Ammianus Marcellinus, xxix. 1. 339. Sophocles. 340. Arrian, i. 24. 341. Seneca, Ep. lviii. 342. Stobæus. One of the most deliberate suicides recorded was that of a Greek woman of ninety years old.—Val. Maxim. ii. 6, § 8. 343. Plin. Ep. iii. 7. He starved himself to death. 344. Ep. i. 22. Some of Pliny's expressions are remarkable:—“Id ego arduum in primis et præcipua laude dignum puto. Nam impetu quodam et instinctu procurrere ad mortem, commune cum multis: deliberare vero et causas ejus expendere, utque suaserit ratio, vitæ mortisque consilium suscipere vel ponere, ingentis est animi.” In this case the doctors pronounced that recovery was possible, and the suicide was in consequence averted. 345. Lib. vi. Ep. xxiv. 346. Ep. lxxvii. On the former career of Marcellinus, see Ep. xxix. 347.

См. очень красивые строки Стация:—

«В центре города, не уступая ни одному из могущественных, стоял алтарь богов, кроткая Милосердие поставила там свое место: и несчастные сделали его священным, никогда без просителя он не был новым; никого не отверг, не выслушав мольбы. Услышаны все, кто просит, и днем и ночью дано идти и умилостивить божество одними жалобами. Скупое суеверие; не принимается пламя фимиама, ни глубокая кровь, алтари потеют слезами... Однако нет изображения, ни одна форма богини не доверена металлу, она радуется обитанию в умах и сердцах. Всегда она имеет трепещущих, всегда место ужасает нуждающиеся собрания, алтари неизвестны только счастливым». — «Фиваида», XII, 481-496.

Этот алтарь был очень древним, и говорили, что он был основан потомками Геркулеса. Диодор Сицилийский, однако, заставляет сиракузянина сказать, что он был привезен из Сиракуз (кн. XIII, 22). Марк Аврелий воздвиг храм «Благодеянию» на Капитолии. (Ксифилин, кн. LXXI, 34.)

348. Herodotus, vi. 21. 349. See Arrian's Epictetus, i. 9. The very existence of the word φιλανθρωπία shows that the idea was not altogether unknown. 350. Diog. Laërt. Pyrrho. There was a tradition that Pythagoras had himself penetrated to India, and learnt philosophy from the gymnosophists. (Apuleius, Florid. lib. ii. c. 15.) 351. This aspect of the career of Alexander was noticed in a remarkable passage of a treatise ascribed to Plutarch (De Fort. Alex.). “Conceiving he was sent by God to be an umpire between all, and to unite all together, he reduced by arms those whom he could not conquer by persuasion, and formed of a hundred diverse nations one single universal body, mingling, as it were, in one cup of friendship the customs, marriages, and laws of all. He desired that all should regard the whole world as their common country, ... that every good man should be esteemed a Hellene, every evil man a barbarian.” See on this subject the third lecture of Mr. Merivale (whose translation of Plutarch I have borrowed) On the Conversion of the Roman Empire. 352. They were both born about b.c. 250. See Sir C. Lewis, Credibility of Early Roman History, vol. i. p. 82. 353. Aulus Gellius mentions the indignation of Marcus Cato against a consul named Albinus, who had written in Greek a Roman history, and prefaced it by an apology for his faults of style, on the ground that he was writing in a foreign language. (Noct. Att. xi. 8.) 354. See a vivid picture of the Greek influence upon Rome, in Mommsen's Hist. of Rome (Eng. trans.), vol. iii. pp. 423-426. 355. Plin. Hist. Nat. vii. 31. 356. See Friedlænder, Mœurs romaines du règne d'Auguste à la fin des Antonins (French trans., 1865), tome i. pp. 6-7. 357. See the curious catalogue of Greek love terms in vogue (Lucretius, lib. iv. line 1160, &c.). Juvenal, more than a hundred years later, was extremely angry with the Roman ladies for making love in Greek (Sat. vi. lines 190-195). Friedlænder remarks that there is no special term in Latin for to ask in marriage (tome i. p. 354). 358. Aul. Gell. Noct. xv. 4; Vell. Paterculus, ii. 65. The people were much scandalised at this elevation, and made epigrams about it. There is a curious catalogue of men who at different times rose in Rome from low positions to power and dignity, in Legendre, Traité de l'Opinion, tome ii. pp. 254-255. 359. Dion Cassius, xlviii. 32. Plin. Hist. Nat. v. 5; vii. 44. 360. The history of the influence of freedmen is minutely traced by Friedlænder, Mœurs romaines du règne d'Auguste à la fin des Antonins, tome i. pp. 58-93. Statius and Martial sang their praises. 361. See Tacit. Ann. vi. 23-25. 362. On the Roman journeys, see the almost exhaustive dissertation of Friedlænder, tome ii. 363. Joseph. (Antiq. xvii. 11, § 1) says above 8,000 Jews resident in Rome took part in a petition to Cæsar. If these were all adult males, the total number of Jewish residents must have been extremely large. 364. See the famous fragment of Seneca cited by St. Augustin (De Civ. Dei, vi. 11): “Usque eo sceleratissimæ gentis consuetudo convaluit, ut per omnes jam terras recepta sit: victi victoribus leges dederunt.” There are numerous scattered allusions to the Jews in Horace, Juvenal, and Martial. 365. The Carthaginian influence was specially conspicuous in early Christian history. Tertullian and Cyprian (both Africans) are justly regarded as the founders of Latin theology. (See Milman's Latin Christianity (ed. 1867), vol. i. pp. 35-36.) 366. Milo had emancipated some slaves to prevent them from being tortured as witnesses. (Cic. Pro Milo.) This was made illegal. The other reasons for enfranchisement are given by Dion. Halicarn. Antiq. lib. iv. 367. This subject is fully treated by Wallon, Hist. de l'Esclavage dans l'Antiquité. 368. Senec. De Clemen. i. 24. 369. See, on the prominence and the insolence of the freedmen, Tacit. Annal. iii. 26-27. 370. Montesquieu, Décadence des Romains, ch. xiii. 371. See the very curious speech attributed to Camillus (Livy, v. 52). 372. “Caritas generis humani.”—De Finib. So, too, he speaks (De Leg. i. 23) of every good man as “civis totius mundi.” 373. He speaks of Rome as “civitas ex nationum conventu constituta.” 374. De Legib. i. 7. 375. De Offic. 376. Ibid. iii. 6. 377. De Offic. iii. 6. 378. De Legib. i. 15. 379.

«Тогда род человеческий, сложив оружие, пусть посоветуется с самим собой, и по очереди пусть каждый народ любит».

380. Ep. xcv. 381. Ep. xxxi. 382. De Vita Beata, xx. 383. Arrian, ii. 10. 384. vi. 44. 385.

«Такова была секта сурового непоколебимого Катона: соблюдать меру, придерживаться цели, следовать природе, посвятить жизнь отечеству и верить, что он рожден не для себя, а для всего мира».

Лукан, «Фарсалия», II, 380-383.

386. There is a passage on this subject in one of the letters of Pliny, which I think extremely remarkable, and to which I can recall no pagan parallel:—“Nuper me cujusdam amici languor admonuit, optimos esse nos dum infirmi sumus. Quem enim infirmum aut avaritia aut libido solicitat? Non amoribus servit, non appetit honores ... tunc deos, tunc hominem esse se meminit.”—Plin. Ep. vii. 26. 387. Ep. viii. 16. He says: “Hominis est enim affici dolore, sentire, resistere tamen, et solatia admittere, non solatiis non egere.” 388. This characteristic of Stoicism is well noticed in Grant's Aristotle, vol. i. p. 254. The first volume of this work contains an extremely good review of the principles of the Stoics. 389. Cie. De Finib. lib. iv. 390. Arrian, Epict. ii. 14. 391. Ibid. i. 9. 392. Ibid. i. 14. 393. Ibid. i. 16. 394. Arrian, ii. 8. 395. Plutarch, De Profect. in Virt. This precept was enforced by Bishop Sanderson in one of his sermons. (Southey's Commonplace Book, vol. i. p. 92.) 396. Diog. Laërt. Pythagoras. 397. Thus Cicero makes Cato say: “Pythagoreorumque more, exercendæ memoriæ gratia, quid quoque die dixerim, audiverim, egerim, commemoro vesperi.”—De Senect. xi. 398. Ibid. 399. Sermon, i. 4. 400. He even gave up, for a time, eating meat, in obedience to the Pythagorean principles. (Ep. cviii.) Seneca had two masters of this school, Sextius and Sotion. He was at this time not more than seventeen years old. (See Aubertin, Étude critique sur les Rapports supposés entre Sénèque et St. Paul, p. 156.) 401. See his very beautiful description of the self-examination of Sextius and of himself. (De Ira, iii. 36.) 402. Arrian, ii. 18. Compare the Manual of Epictetus, xxxiv. 403. “Quod de Romulo ægre creditum est, omnes pari consensu præsumserunt, Marcum cœlo receptum esse.”—Aur. Vict. Epit. xvi. “Deusque etiam nunc habetur.”—Capitolinus. 404. The first book of his Meditations was written on the borders of the Granua, in Hungary. 405. i. 14. 406. See his touching letter to Fronto, who was about to engage in a debate with Herod Atticus. 407. i. 6-15. The eulogy he passed on his Stoic master Apollonius is worthy of notice. Apollonius furnished him with an example of the combination of extreme firmness and gentleness. 408. E.g. “Beware of Cæsarising.” (vi. 30.) “Be neither a tragedian nor a courtesan.” (v. 28.) “Be just and temperate and a follower of the gods; but be so with simplicity, for the pride of modesty is the worst of all.” (xii. 27.) 409. iii. 4. 410. i. 17. 411. v. 1. 412. ix. 29. 413. viii. 59. 414. xi. 18. 415. ix. 11. 416. viii. 15. 417. vii. 70. 418. vii. 63. 419. vii. 22. 420. Mr. Maurice, in this respect, compares and contrasts him very happily with Plutarch. “Like Plutarch, the Greek and Roman characters were in Marcus Aurelius remarkably blended; but, unlike Plutarch, the foundation of his mind was Roman. He was a student that he might more effectually carry on the business of an emperor.”—Philosophy of the First Six Centuries, p. 32. 421. vi. 47. 422. Capitolinus, Aurelius Victor. 423. M. Suckau, in his admirable Étude sur Marc-Aurèle, and M. Renan, in a very acute and learned Examen de quelques faits relatifs à l'impératrice Faustine (read before the Institut, August 14, 1867), have shown the extreme uncertainty of the stories about the debaucheries of Faustina, which the biographers of Marcus Aurelius have collected. It will be observed that the emperor himself has left an emphatic testimony to her virtue, and to the happiness he derived from her (i. 17); that the earliest extant biographer of Marcus Aurelius was a generation later; and that the infamous character of Commodus naturally predisposed men to imagine that he was not the son of so perfect an emperor. 424. “Quid me fletis, et non magis de pestilentia et communi morte cogitatis?” Capitolinus, M. Aurelius. 425. Ibid. 426. Many examples of this are given by Coulanges, La Cité antique, pp. 177-178. 427. All this is related by Suetonius, August. 428. Tacit. Annal. iv. 36. 429. See, e.g., the sentiments of the people about Julius Cæsar, Sueton. J. C. lxxxviii. 430. Sueton. Vesp. xxiii. 431. “Qualis artifex pereo” were his dying words. 432. See Sueton. Calig. 1. 433. Sueton. Calig. xxii. A statue of Jupiter is said to have burst out laughing just before the death of this emperor. 434. Seneca, De Ira, i. 46; Sueton. Calig. xxii. 435. Lampridius, Heliogab. 436. Senec. De Clemen. i. 18. 437. Tacit. Annal. iii. 36. 438. Senec. De Benefic. iii. 26. 439. Tacit. Annal. i. 73. Tiberius refused to allow this case to be proceeded with. See, too, Philost. Apollonius of Tyana, i. 15. 440. Suet. Tiber. lviii. 441. “Mulier quædam, quod semel exuerat ante statuam Domitiani, damnata et interfecta est.”—Xiphilin, lxvii. 12. 442. “Eos demum, qui nihil præterquam de libertate cogitent, dignos esse, qui Romani fiant.”—Livy, viii. 21. 443. Valerius Maximus, iv. 3, § 14. 444. See the picture of this scene in Tacitus, Hist. iii. 83. 445. Dion. Halicarnass. 446. “Divina Natura dedit agros; ars humana ædificavit urbes.” 447. See a collection of passages from these writers in Wallon, Hist. de l'Esclavage, tome ii. pp. 378-379. Pliny, in the first century, noticed (Hist. Nat. xviii. 7) that the latifundia, or system of large properties, was ruining both Italy and the provinces, and that six landlords whom Nero killed were the possessors of half Roman Africa. 448. Tacit. Annal. xii. 43. The same complaint had been made still earlier by Tiberius, in a letter to the Senate. (Annal. iii. 54.) 449. Augustus, for a time, contemplated abolishing the distributions, but soon gave up the idea. (Suet. Aug. xlii.) He noticed that it had the effect of causing the fields to be neglected. 450. M. Wallon has carefully traced this history. (Hist. de l'Esclav. tome iii. pp. 294-297.) 451. Livy, iv. 59-60. Florus, i. 12. 452. Livy, xxiv. 49. 453. Sallust, Bell. Jugurth. 84-86. 454. Livy, xxxix. 6. 455. “Primus Cæsarum fidem militis etiam præmio pigneratus.”—Suet. Claud. x. 456. See Tacitus, Annal. xiii. 35; Hist. ii. 69. 457. M. Sismondi thinks that the influence of Christianity in subduing the spirit of revolt, if not in the army, at least in the people, was very great. He says: “Il est remarquable qu'en cinq ans, sept prétendans au trône, tous bien supérieurs à Honorius en courage, en talens et en vertus, furent successivement envoyés captifs à Ravenne ou punis de mort, que le peuple applaudit toujours à ces jugemens et ne se sépara point de l'autorité légitime, tant la doctrine du droit divin des rois que les évêques avoient commencé à prêcher sous Théodose avoit fait de progrès, et tant le monde romain sembloit determiné à périr avec un monarque imbécile plutôt que tenté de se donner un sauveur.”—Hist. de la Chute de l'Empire romain, tome i. p. 221. 458. See Gibbon, ch. v.; Merivale's Hist. of Rome, ch. lxvii. It was thought that troops thus selected would be less likely to revolt. Constantine abolished the Prætorians. 459. The gladiatorial shows are treated incidentally by most Roman historians, but the three works from which I have derived most assistance in this part of my subject are the Saturnalia of Justus Lipsius, Magnin, Origines du Théâtre (an extremely learned and interesting book, which was unhappily never completed), and Friedlænder's Roman Manners from Augustus to the Antonines (the second volume of the French translation). M. Wallon has also compressed into a few pages (Hist. de l'Esclavage, tome ii. pp. 129-139) much information on the subject. 460. Hence the old name of bustuarii (from bustum, a funeral pile) given to gladiators (Nieupoort, De Ritibus Romanorum, p. 514). According to Pliny (Hist. Nat. xxx. 3), “regular human sacrifices were only abolished in Rome by a decree of the senate, b.c. 97,” and there are some instances of them at a still later period. Much information about them is collected by Sir C. Lewis, Credibility of Roman History, vol. ii. p. 430; Merivale, Conversion of the Roman Empire, pp. 230-233; Legendre, Traité de l'Opinion, vol. i. pp. 229-231. Porphyry, in his De Abstinentia Carnis, devoted considerable research to this matter. Games were habitually celebrated by wealthy private individuals, during the early part of the empire, at the funerals of their relatives, but their mortuary character gradually ceased, and after Marcus Aurelius they had become mere public spectacles, and were rarely celebrated at Rome by private men. (See Wallon, Hist. de l'Esclav. tome ii. pp. 135-136.) The games had then really passed into their purely secular stage, though they were still nominally dedicated to Mars and Diana, and though an altar of Jupiter Latiaris stood in the centre of the arena. (Nieupoort, p. 365.) 461. Cicero, Tusc. lib. ii. 462. Capitolinus, Maximus et Balbinus. Capitolinus says this is the most probable origin of the custom, though others regarded it as a sacrifice to appease Nemesis by an offering of blood. 463. Much curious information on this subject may be found in Friedlænder, Mœurs romaines, liv. vi. ch. i. Very few Roman emperors ventured to disregard or to repress these outcries, and they led to the fall of several of the most powerful ministers of the empire. On the whole these games represent the strangest and most ghastly form political liberty has ever assumed. On the other hand, the people readily bartered all genuine freedom for abundant games. 464. Valer. Maximus, ii. 4, § 7. 465.

О гладиаторах на пирах см. Ю. Липсий, «Сатурналии», кн. I, гл. VI, Маньян, «Истоки театра», стр. 380-385. Это был изначально этрусский обычай, и он также был очень распространен в Капуе. Как говорит Силий Италик:—

«Развлекать мужей на пирах убийством — обычай древний, и смешивать с угощениями ужасные зрелища».

Вер, коллега Марка Аврелия, был особенно пристрастен к этому виду развлечений. (Капитолин, «Вер».) См. также Афиней, IV, 40, 41.

466. Senec. De Brevit. Vit. c. xiii. 467. Sueton. J. Cæsar, xxvi. Pliny (Ep. vi. 34) commends a friend for having given a show in memory of his departed wife. 468. Pliny, Hist. Nat. xxxiii. 16. 469. Sueton. Cæsar, x.; Dion Cassius, xliii. 24. 470. Sueton. Aug. xxix. The history of the amphitheatres is given very minutely by Friedlænder, who, like nearly all other antiquaries, believes this to have been the first of stone. Pliny mentions the existence, at an earlier period, of two connected wooden theatres, which swung round on hinges and formed an amphitheatre. (Hist. Nat. xxxvi. 24.) 471. Dion Cassius, liv. 2. It appears, however, from an inscription, that 10,000 gladiators fought in the reign and by the command of Augustus. Wallon, Hist. de l'Esclavage, tome ii. p. 133. 472. Sueton. Tiber. xxxiv. Nero made another slight restriction (Tacit. Annal. xiii. 31), which appears to have been little observed. 473. Martial notices (Ep. iii. 59) and ridicules a spectacle given by a shoemaker at Bologna, and by a fuller at Modena. 474. Epictetus, Enchir. xxxiii. § 2. 475. Arrian, iii. 15. 476. See these points minutely proved in Friedlænder. 477.

Светоний, «Август», XLIV. Это было замечено ранее Цицероном. Христианский поэт Пруденций остановился на этом аспекте игр в нескольких сильных строках:—

«Скромная дева приказывает повернутым большим пальцем прервать, чтобы не осталась никакая часть души в самых глубинах жизненных органов, пока секутор глубже вонзает меч».

478. Sueton. Tiberius, xl. Tacitus, who gives a graphic description of the disaster (Annal. iv. 62-63), says 50,000 persons were killed or wounded. 479. Tacit. Annal. xiii. 49. 480. Joseph. Bell. Jud. vi. 9. 481. See the very curious picture which Livy has given (xli. 20) of the growth of the fascination. 482. Joseph. Antiq. Jud. xix. 7. 483. Lucian, Demonax. 484. Philost. Apoll. iv. 22. 485. Friedlænder, tome ii. pp. 95-96. There are, however, several extant Greek inscriptions relating to gladiators, and proving the existence of the shows in Greece. Pompeii, which was a Greek colony, had a vast amphitheatre, which we may still admire; and, under Nero, games were prohibited at Pompeii for ten years, in consequence of a riot that broke out during a gladiatorial show. (Tacit. Annal. xiv. 17.) After the defeat of Perseus, Paulus Emilius celebrated a show in Macedonia. (Livy, xli. 20.) 486. These are fully discussed by Magnin and Friedlænder. There is a very beautiful description of a ballet, representing the “Judgment of Paris,” in Apuleius, Metamorph. x. 487. Pacuvius and Accius were the founders of Roman tragedy. The abridger, Velleius Paterculus, who is the only Roman historian who pays any attention to literary history, boasts that the latter might rank honourably with the best Greek tragedians. He adds, “ut in illis [the Greeks] limæ, in hoc pœne plus videatur fuisse sanguinis.”—Hist. Rom. ii. 9. 488. Thus, e.g., Hobbes: “Alienæ calamitatis contemptus nominatur crudelitas, proceditque a propriæ securitatis opinione. Nam ut aliquis sibi placeat in malis alienis sine alio fine, videtur mihi impossibile.”—Leviathan, pars i. c. vi. 489. Sueton. Claudius, xxxiv. 490.

«И по повернутому пальцу толпы убивают кого угодно по-народному». — Ювенал, Сатиры, III, 36-37.

491. Besides the many incidental notices scattered through the Roman historians, and through the writings of Seneca, Plutarch, Juvenal, and Pliny, we have a curious little book, De Spectaculis, by Martial—a book which is not more horrible from the atrocities it recounts than from the perfect absence of all feeling of repulsion or compassion it everywhere displays. 492. These are but a few of the many examples given by Magnin, who has collected a vast array of authorities on the subject. (Origines du Théâtre, pp. 445-453.) M. Mongez has devoted an interesting memoir to “Les animaux promenés ou tués dans le cirque.” (Mém. de l'Acad. des Inscrip. et Belles-lettres, tome x.) See, too, Friedlænder. Pliny rarely gives an account of any wild animal without accompanying it by statistics about its appearances in the arena. The first instance of a wild beast hunt in the amphitheatre is said to be that recorded by Livy (xxxix. 22), which took place about 80 b.c. 493. Capitolinus, Gordiani. 494. Vopiscus, Aurelian. 495. Xiphilin, lxviii. 15. 496. Tacit. Annal. xv. 44. 497. Xiphilin, lxvii. 8; Statius, Sylv. i. 6. 498. During the Republic, a rich man ordered in his will that some women he had purchased for the purpose should fight in the funeral games to his memory, but the people annulled the clause. (Athenæeus, iv. 39.) Under Nero and Domitian, female gladiators seem to have been not uncommon. See Statius, Sylv. i. 6; Sueton. Domitian, iv.; Xiphilin, lxvii. 8. Juvenal describes the enthusiasm with which Roman ladies practised with the gladiatorial weapons (Sat. vi. 248, &c.), and Martial (De Spectac. vi.) mentions the combats of women with wild beasts. One, he says, killed a lion. A combat of female gladiators, under Severus, created some tumult, and it was decreed that they should no longer be permitted. (Xiphilin, lxxv. 16.) See Magnin, pp. 434-435. 499. Martial, De Spectac. vii. 500. Ibid. Ep. viii. 30. 501. Tertullian, Ad Nation. i. 10. One of the most ghastly features of the games was the comic aspect they sometimes assumed. This was the case in the combats of dwarfs. There were also combats by blind-folded men. Petronius (Satyricon, c. xlv.) has given us a horrible description of the maimed and feeble men who were sometimes compelled to fight. People afflicted with epilepsy were accustomed to drink the blood of the wounded gladiators, which they believed to be a sovereign remedy. (Pliny, Hist. Nat. xxviii. 2; Tertul. Apol. ix.) 502. “Nec unquam sine humano cruore cœnabat”—Lactan. De Mort. Persec. Much the same thing is told of the Christian emperor Justinian II., who lived at the end of the seventh century. (Sismondi, Hist. de la Chute de l'Empire Romain, tome ii. p. 85.) 503. Winckelmann says the statue called “The Dying Gladiator” does not represent a gladiator. At a later period, however, statues of gladiators were not uncommon, and Pliny notices (Hist. Nat. xxxv. 33) paintings of them. A fine specimen of mosaic portraits of gladiators is now in the Lateran Museum. 504. Plutarch's Life of Cæsar. 505. Dion Cassius, li. 7. 506. Faustina, the wife of Marcus Aurelius, was especially accused of this weakness. (Capitolinus, Marcus Aurelius.) 507. Seneca, De Provident. iv. 508. Arrian's Epictetus, i. 29. 509. Seneca, De Provident. iii. 510. Aulus Gellius, xii. 5. 511. Cicero, Tusc. lib. ii. 512. Some Equites fought under Julius Cæsar, and a senator named Fulvius Setinus wished to fight, but Cæsar prevented him. (Suet. Cæsar, xxxix.; Dion Cassius, xliii. 23.) Nero, according to Suetonius, compelled men of the highest rank to fight. Laws prohibiting patricians from fighting were several times made and violated. (Friedlænder, pp. 39-41.) Commodus is said to have been himself passionately fond of fighting as a gladiator. Much, however, of what Lampridius relates on this point is perfectly incredible. On the other hand, the profession of the gladiator was constantly spoken of as infamous; but this oscillation between extreme admiration and contempt will surprise no one who has noticed the tone continually adopted about prize-fighters in England, and about the members of some other professions on the Continent. Juvenal dwells (Sat. viii. 197-210) with great indignation on an instance of a patrician fighting. 513. “Quis mediocris gladiator ingemuit, quis vultum mutavit unquam?”—Cic. Tusc. Quæst. lib. ii. 514. E.g. Clem. Alex. Strom. iii. There is a well-known passage of this kind in Horace, Ars Poet. 412-415. The comparison of the good man to an athlete or gladiator, which St. Paul employed, occurs also in Seneca and Epictetus, from which some have inferred that they must have known the writings of the Apostle. M. Denis, however, has shown (Idées morales dans l'Antiquité, tome ii. p. 240) that the same comparison had been used, before the rise of Christianity, by Plato, Æschines, and Cicero. 515. Confess. vi. 8. 516. “[Servi] etsi per fortunam in omnia obnoxii, tamen quasi secundum hominum genus sunt.”—Florus, Hist. iii. 20. 517. Macrinus, however, punished fugitive slaves by compelling them to fight as gladiators. (Capitolinus, Macrinus.) 518. Tacit. Annal. xii. 56. According to Friedlænder, however, there were two classes of criminals. One class were condemned only to fight, and pardoned if they conquered; the others were condemned to fight till death, and this was considered an aggravation of capital punishment. 519. “Ad conciliandum plebis favorem effusa largitio, quum spectaculis indulget, supplicia quondam hostium artem facit.”—Florus, iii. 12. 520. Tusc. Quæst. ii. 17. 521. See his magnificent letter on the subject. (Ep. vii.) 522. In his two treatises De Esu Carnium. 523. Pliny. Ep. iv. 22. 524. Xiphilin, lxxi. 29. Capitolinus, M. Aurelius. The emperor also once carried off the gladiators to a war with his army, much to the indignation of the people. (Capit.) He has himself noticed the extreme weariness he felt at the public amusements he was obliged to attend. (vii. 3.) 525. Sueton. Titus, viii. 526. “Visum est spectaculum inde non enerve nec fluxum, nec quod animos virorum molliret et frangeret, sed quod ad pulchra vulnera contemptumque mortis accenderet.”—Pliny, Paneg. xxxiii. 527. “Præterea tanto consensu rogabaris, ut negare non constans sed durum videretur.”—Plin. Epist. vi. 34. 528. Symmach. Epist. ii. 46. 529. Sueton. Domitian, iii. It is very curious that the same emperor, about the same time (the beginning of his reign), had such a horror of bloodshed that he resolved to prohibit the sacrifice of oxen. (Suet. Dom. ix.) 530. “Pendant qu'il restait au logis, il n'était incommode à personne; il y passait la meilleure partie de son temps tranquillement dans sa chambre.... Il se divertissait aussi quelquefois à fumer une pipe de tabac; ou bien lorsqu'il voulait se relâcher l'esprit un peu plus longtemps, il cherchait des araignées qu'il faisait battre ensemble, ou des mouches qu'il jetait dans la toile d'araignée, et regardait ensuite cette bataille avec tant de plaisir qu'il éclatait quelquefois de rire.”—Colerus, Vie de Spinoza. 531. This is noticed by George Duval in a curious passage of his Souvenirs de la Terreur, quoted by Lord Lytton in a note to his Zanoni. 532. Essay on Goodness. 533. This contrast has been noticed by Archbishop Whately in a lecture on Egypt. See, too, Legendre, Traité de l'Opinion, tome ii. p. 374. 534. Tacit. Annal. xiv. 45. 535. Senec. De Clemen. i. 14. 536. Val. Max. ii. 9. This writer speaks of “the eyes of a mistress delighting in human blood” with as much horror as if the gladiatorial games were unknown. Livy gives a rather different version of this story. 537. Tacit. Annal. i. 76. 538. Sueton. Calig. xi. 539. Spartian. Caracalla. Tertullian mentions that his nurse was a Christian. 540. Capitolinus, Marcus Aurelius. Capitolinus, who wrote under Diocletian, says that in his time the custom of spreading a net under the rope-dancer still continued. I do not know when it ceased at Rome, but St. Chrysostom mentions that in his time it had been abolished in the East.—Jortin's Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, ii. 71 (ed. 1846). 541. Tacit. Ann. iii. 55. 542. Champagny, Les Antonins, tome ii. pp. 179-200. 543. πολιτεύεσθαι.—Diog. Laërt. Zeno. 544. Thus Tigellinus spoke of “Stoicorum arrogantia sectaque quæ turbidos et negotiorum appetentes faciat.”—Tacit. Ann. xiv. 57. The accusation does not appear to have been quite untrue, for Vespasian, who was a very moderate emperor, thought it necessary to banish nearly all the philosophers from Rome on account of their factiousness. Sometimes the Stoics showed their independence by a rather gratuitous insolence. Dion Cassius relates that, when Nero was thinking of writing a poem in 400 books, he asked the advice of the Stoic Cornutus, who said, that no one would read so long a work. “But,” answered Nero, “your favourite Chrysippus wrote still more numerous books.” “True,” rejoined Cornutus, “but then they were of use to humanity.” On the other hand, Seneca is justly accused of condescending too much to the vices of Nero in his efforts to mitigate their effects. 545. The influence of Stoicism on Roman law has been often examined. See, especially, Degerando, Hist. de la Philosophie (2nd ed.), tome iii. pp. 202-204; Laferrière, De l'Influence du Stoïcisme sur les Jurisconsultes romains; Denis, Théories et Idées morales dans l'Antiquité, tome ii. pp. 187-217; Troplong, Influence du Christianisme sur le Droit civil des Romains; Merivale, Conversion of the Roman Empire, lec. iv.; and the great work of Gravina, De Ortu et Progressu Juris civilis. 546. Cic. De Legib. ii. 4, 23. 547. There were two rival schools, that of Labeo and that of Capito. The first was remarkable for its strict adherence to the letter of the law—the second for the latitude of interpretation it admitted. 548. Dig. lib. i. tit. 17-32. 549. Ibid. i. tit. 1-3. 550. Ibid. i. tit. 1-4. 551. Dig. lib. i. tit. 4-5. 552. Laferrière, p. 32. Wallon, Hist. de l'Esclavage dans l'Antiquité, tome iii. pp. 71-80. M. Wallon gives many curious instances of legal decisions on this point. 553. To prove that this is the correct conception of law was the main object of Cicero's treatise De Legibus. Ulpian defined jurisprudence as “divinarum atque humanarum rerum notitia, justi atque injusti scientia.”—Dig. lib. i. tit. 1-10. So Paul “Id quod semper æquum ad bonum est jus dicitur ut est jus naturale.”—Dig. lib. i. tit. 1-11. And Gaius, “Quod vero naturalis ratio inter omnes homines constituit ... vocatur jus gentium.”—Dig. lib. i. tit. 1-9. The Stoics had defined true wisdom as “rerum divinarum atque humanarum scientia.”—Cic. De Offic. i. 43. 554. Cicero compares the phraseology of the Stoics with that of the Peripatetics, maintaining that the precision of the former is well adapted to legal discussions, and the redundancy of the latter to oratory. “Omnes fere Stoici prudentissimi in disserendo sint et id arte faciant, sintque architecti pene verborum; iidem traducti a disputando ad dicendum, inopes reperiantur: unum excipio Catonem.... Peripateticorum institutis commodius fingeretur oratio ... nam ut Stoicorum astrictior est oratio, aliquantoque contractior quam aures populi requirunt: sic illorum liberior et latior quam patitur consuetudo judiciorum et fori.”—De Claris Oratoribus. A very judicious historian of philosophy observes: “En général à Rome le petit nombre d'hommes livrés à la méditation et à l'enthousiasme préférèrent Pythagore et Platon; les hommes du monde et ceux qui cultivaient les sciences naturelles s'attachèrent à Épicure; les orateurs et les hommes d'État à la nouvelle Académie; les juris-consultes au Portique.”—Degerando, Hist. de la Philos. tome iii. p. 196. 555. See a very remarkable passage in Aulus Gellius, Noct. ii. 15. 556. “Fere enim nulli alii sunt homines qui talem in filios suos habeant potestatem qualem nos habemus.”—Gaius. 557. A full statement of these laws is given by Dion. Halicarn. ii. 4. It was provided that if a father sold his son and if the son was afterwards enfranchised by the purchaser, he became again the slave of his father, who might sell him a second, and, if manumission again ensued, a third time. It was only on the third sale that he passed for ever out of the parental control. A more merciful law, attributed to Numa, provided that when the son married (if that marriage was with the consent of the father), the father lost the power of selling him. In no other way, however, was his authority even then abridged. 558. Velleius Paterculus, ii. 67. A great increase of parricide was noticed during the Empire (Senec. De Clem. i. 23). At first, it is said, there was no law against parricide, for the crime was believed to be too atrocious to be possible. 559. Numerous instances of these executions are collected by Livy, Val. Maximus, &c.; their history is fully given by Cornelius van Bynkershoek, “De Jure occidendi, vendendi, et exponendi liberos apud veteres Romanos,” in his works (Cologne, 1761). 560. This proceeding of Hadrian, which is related by the lawyer Marcian, is doubly remarkable, because the father had surprised his son in adultery with his stepmother. Now a Roman had originally not only absolute authority over the life of his son, but also the right of killing any one whom he found committing adultery with his wife. Yet Marcian praises the severity of Hadrian, “Nam patria potestas in pietate debet, non atrocitate, consistere.”—Digest. lib. xlviii. tit. 9, § 5. 561. Valer. Max. vii. 7. 562. See, on all this subject, Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ch. xliv.; Troplong, Influence du Christianisme sur le Droit, ch. ix.; Denis, Hist. des Idées morales, tome ii. pp. 107-120; Laferrière, Influence du Stoïcisme sur les Jurisconsultes, pp. 37-44. 563. Ælian, Hist. Var. vi. 7. 564. Livy, ii. 36; Cicero, De Divin. ii. 26. 565. Cicero, De Legibus, ii. 8-12. Cato, however, maintained that slaves might on those days be employed on work which did not require oxen.—Wallon, Hist. de l'Esclavage, tome ii. p. 215. 566. See the Saturnalia of Macrobius. 567. See his Life by Plutarch, and his book on agriculture. 568. The number of the Roman slaves has been a matter of much controversy. M. Dureau de la Malle (Econ. politique des Romains) has restricted it more than any other writer. Gibbon (Decline and Fall, chap. ii.) has collected many statistics on the subject, but the fullest examination is in M. Wallon's admirable Hist. de l'Esclavage. On the contrast between the character of the slaves of the Republic and those of the Empire, see Tac. Ann. xiv. 44. 569. Tacit. Annal. xiii. 32; xiv. 42-45. Wallon, Hist. de l'Esclav. ii. 293. I have already noticed the indignant rising of the people caused by the proposal to execute the 400 slaves of the murdered Pedanius. Their interposition was, however (as Tacitus informs us), unavailing, and the slaves, guarded against rescue by a strong band of soldiers, were executed. It was proposed to banish the freedmen who were in the house, but Nero interposed and prevented it. Pliny notices (Ep. viii. 14) the banishment of the freedmen of a murdered man. 570. See all this fully illustrated in Wallon. The plays of Plautus and the Roman writers on agriculture contain numerous allusions to the condition of slaves. 571. Wallon, tome ii. pp. 209-210, 357. There were no laws till the time of the Christian emperors against separating the families of slaves, but it was a maxim of the jurisconsults that in forced sales they should not be separated. (Wallon, tome iii. pp. 55-56.) 572. Ibid. tome ii. pp. 211-213. 573. Plin. Epist. viii. 16. It was customary to allow the public or State slaves to dispose of half their goods by will. (Wallon, tome iii. p. 59.) 574. Wallon, tome ii. p. 419. This appears from an allusion of Cicero, Philip. viii. 11. 575. Senec. De Clem. i. 18. 576. Ibid. Ep. xlvii. 577. Pliny, Ep. viii. 16. 578. Spartianus, Hadrianus. 579. Compare Wallon, tome ii. p. 186; tome iii. pp. 65-66. Slaves were only to be called as witnesses in cases of incest, adultery, murder, and high treason, and where it was impossible to establish the crime without their evidence. Hadrian considered that the reality of the crime must have already acquired a strong probability, and the jurisconsult Paul laid down that at least two free witnesses should be heard before slaves were submitted to torture, and that the offer of an accused person to have his slaves tortured that they might attest his innocence should not be accepted. 580. Numerous and very noble instances of slave fidelity are given by Seneca, De Benefic. iii. 19-27; Val. Max. vi. 8; and in Appian's History of the Civil Wars. See, too, Tacit. Hist. i. 3. 581. Aristotle had, it is true, declared slavery to be part of the law of nature—an opinion which, he said, was rejected by some of his contemporaries; but he advocated humanity to slaves quite as emphatically as the other philosophers (Economics, i. 5). Epicurus was conspicuous even among Greek philosophers for his kindness to slaves, and he associated some of his own with his philosophical labours. (Diog. Laërt. Epicurus.) 582. De Benef. iii. 18-28; De Vita Beata, xxiv.; De Clem. i. 18, and especially Ep. xlvii. Epictetus, as might be expected from his history, frequently recurs to the duty. Plutarch writes very beautifully upon it in his treatise De Cohibenda Ira. 583. Diog. Laërt. Zeno. 584. Bodin thinks it was promulgated by Nero, and he has been followed by Troplong and Mr. Merivale. Champagny (Les Antonins, tome ii. p. 115) thinks that no law after Tiberius was called lex. 585. Sueton. Claud. xxv.; Dion Cass. lx. 29. 586.

See Dumas, Secours publics chez les Anciens (Paris, 1813), pp. 125-130. 587. Senec. De Clem. i. 18. 588. Senec. De Benef. iii. 22. 589. Spartian. Hadrianus. Hadrian exiled a Roman lady for five years for treating her slaves with atrocious cruelty. (Digest. lib. i. tit. 6, § 2.) 590. See these laws fully examined by Wallon, tome iii. pp. 51-92, and also Laferrière, Sur l'Influence du Stoïcisme sur le Droit. The jurisconsults gave a very wide scope to their definitions of cruelty. A master who degraded a literary slave, or a slave musician, to some coarse manual employment, such as a porter, was decided to have ill-treated him. (Wallon, tome iii. p. 62.) 591. Thus, e.g., Livia called in the Stoic Areus to console her after the death of Drusus (Senec. Ad Marc.). Many of the letters of Seneca and Plutarch are written to console the suffering. Cato, Thrasea, and many others appear to have fortified their last hours by conversation with philosophers. The whole of this aspect of Stoicism has been admirably treated by M. Martha (Les Moralistes de l'Empire Romain). 592. We have a pleasing picture of the affection philosophers and their disciples sometimes bore to one another in the lines of Persius (Sat. v.) to his master Cornutus. 593. Grant's Aristotle, vol. i. pp. 277-278. 594. Champagny, Les Antonins, tome i. p. 405. 595. Arrian, iii. 22. Julian has also painted the character of the true Cynic, and contrasted it with that of the impostors who assumed the garb. See Neander's Life of Julian (London, 1850), p. 94. 596. Seneca the rhetorician (father of the philosopher) collected many of the sayings of the rhetoricians of his time. At a later period, Philostratus wrote the lives of eminent rhetoricians, Quintilian discussed their rules of oratory, and Aulus Gellius painted the whole society in which they moved. On their injurious influence upon eloquence, see Petronius, Satyricon, i. 2. Much curious information about the rhetoricians is collected in Martha, Moralistes de l'Empire Romain, and in Nisard, Etudes sur les Poëtes Latins de la Dècadence, art. Juvenal. 597. “Cependant ces orateurs n'étaient jamais plus admirés que lorsqu'ils avaient le bonheur de trouver un sujet où la louange fut un tour de force.... Lucien a fait l'éloge de la mouche; Fronton de la poussière, de la fumée, de la négligence; Dion Chrysostome de la chevelure, du perroquet, etc. Au cinquième siècle, Synésius, qui fut un grand évêque, fera le panégyrique de la calvitie, long ouvrage où toutes les sciences sont mises à contribution pour apprendre aux hommes ce qu'il y a non-seulement de bonheur mais aussi de mérite à être chauve.”—Martha, Moralistes de l'Empire Romain (ed. 1865), p. 275. 598. There is a good review of the teaching of Maximus in Champagny, Les Antonins, tome ii. pp. 207-215. 599. Orat. xv.; De Servitute. 600. See the singularly charming essay on Dion Chrysostom, in M. Martha's book. 601. Mr. Buckle, in his admirable chapter on the “Proximate Causes of the French Revolution” (Hist. of Civilisation, vol. i.), has painted this fashionable enthusiasm for knowledge with great power, and illustrated it with ample learning. 602. The saying of Mme. Dudeffand about Helvétius is well known: “C'est un homme qui a dit le secret de tout le monde.” How truly Helvétius represented this fashionable society appears very plainly from the vivid portrait of it in the Nouvelle Hèloïse, part ii. letter xvii., a masterpiece of its kind. 603. Musonius tried to stop this custom of applauding the lecturer. (Aul. Gell. Noct. v. i.) The habits that were formed in the schools of the rhetoricians were sometimes carried into the churches, and we have notices of preachers (especially St. Chrysostom) being vociferously applauded. 604. Thus Gellius himself consulted Favorinus about a perplexing case which he had, in his capacity of magistrate, to determine, and received from his master a long dissertation on the duties of a judge (xiv. 2). 605. i. 10. 606. Noct. Att. vi. 13. They called these questions symposiacæ, as being well fitted to stimulate minds already mellowed by wine. 607. xviii. 2. 608. We have a curious example of this in a letter of Marcus Aurelius preserved by Gallicanus in his Life of Avidius Cassius. 609. “Senserunt hoc Stoici qui servis et mulieribus philosophandum esse dixerunt.”—Lact. Nat. Div. iii. 25. Zeno was often reproached for gathering the poorest and most sordid around him when he lectured. (Diog. Laërt. Zeno.) 610. This decadence was noticed and rebuked by some of the leading philosophers. See the language of Epictetus in Arrian, ii. 19, iv. 8, and of Herod Atticus in Aul. Gell. i. 2, ix. 2. St. Augustine speaks of the Cynics as having in his time sunk into universal contempt. See much evidence on this subject in Friedlænder, Hist. des Mœurs Romaines, tome iv. 378-385. 611. This movement is well treated by Vacherot, Hist. de l'École d'Alexandrie. 612. De Superstitione. 613. Dissertations, x. § 8 (ed. Davis, London, 1740). In some editions this is Diss. xxix. 614. Dissert. xxxviii. 615. De Dæmone Socratis. 616. De Dæmone Socratis. See, on the office of dæmons or genii, Arrian i. 14, and a curious chapter in Ammianus Marcell. xxi. 14. See, too, Plotinus, 3rd Enn. lib. iv. 617. De Dæmone Socratis. 618. I should except Plotinus, however, who was faithful in this point to Plato, and was in consequence much praised by the Christian Fathers. 619. “Omnium malorum maximum voluptas, qua tanquam clavo et fibula anima corpori nectitur; putatque vera quæ et corpus suadet, et ita spoliatur rerum divinarum aspectu.”—Iamblichus, De Secta Pythagor. (Romæ, 1556), p. 38. Plotinus, 1st Enn. vi. 6. 620. De Sect. Pyth. pp. 36, 37. 621. Porphyry, Life of Plotinus. 622. Iamblichus, De Mysteriis. 1. 623. See, on this doctrine of ecstasy, Vacherot, Hist. de l'École d'Alexandrie, tome i. p. 576, &c. 624. “Sic habeto, omnibus qui patriam conservaverint, adjuverint, auxerint, certum esse in cœlo ac definitum locum ubi beati ævo sempiterno fruantur.”—Cic. Somn. Scip. 625. Φῶς, which, according to Plutarch (who here confuses two distinct words), is poetically used for man (De Latenter Vivendo). A similar thought occurs in M. Aurelius, who speaks of the good man as light which only ceases to shine when it ceases to be. 626. Diss. xxi. § 6. 627. Iamblichus, De Sect. Pythagoræ, p. 35. 628. Porphyry, Life of Plotinus, cap. vii.; Plotinus, 1st Enn. iv. 7. See on this subject Degerando, Hist. de la Philos. iii. p. 383. 629. Thus it was said of Apollonius that in his teaching at Ephesus he did not speak after the manner of the followers of Socrates, but endeavoured to detach his disciples from all occupation other than philosophy.—Philostr. Apoll. of Tyana, iv. 2. Cicero notices the aversion the Pythagoreans of his time displayed to argument: “Quum ex iis quæreretur quare ita esset, respondere solitos, Ipse dixit; ipse autem erat Pythagoras.”—De Nat. Deor. i. 5. 630. See Vacherot, tome ii. p. 66. 631. See Degerando, Hist. de la Philosophie, tome iii. pp. 400, 401. 632. Plotinus, 1st Enn. ix. 633. See a strong passage, on the universality of this belief, in Plotinus, 1st Enn. i. 12, and Origen, Cont. Cels. vii. A very old tradition represented the Egyptians as the first people who held the doctrine of the immortality of the soul. Cicero (Tusc. Quæst.) says that the Syrian Pherecydes, master of Pythagoras, first taught it. Maximus of Tyre attributes its origin to Pythagoras, and his slave Zamolxis was said to have introduced it into Greece. Others say that Thales first taught it. None of these assertions have any real historical value. 634. We have a remarkable instance of the clearness with which some even of the most insignificant historians recognised the folly of confining history to the biographies of the Emperors, in the opening chapter of Capitolinus, Life of Macrinus.—Tacitus is full of beautiful episodes, describing the manners and religion of the people. 635. The passages relating to the Jews in Roman literature are collected in Aubertin's Rapports supposés entre Sénèque et St. Paul. Champagny, Rome et Judée, tome i. pp. 134-137. 636. Cicero, pro Flacco, 28; Sueton. Claudius, 25. 637. Juvenal, Sat. xiv. 638. Hist. v. 639. Lact. Inst. Div. vii. 3. 640. See their history fully investigated in Aubertin. Augustine followed Jerome in mentioning the letters, but neither of these writers asserted their genuineness. Lactantius, nearly at the same time (Inst. Div. vi. 24), distinctly spoke of Seneca as a Pagan, as Tertullian (Apol. 50) had done before. The immense number of forged documents is one of the most disgraceful features of the Church history of the first few centuries. 641. Fleury has written an elaborate work maintaining the connection between the apostle and the philosopher. Troplong (Influence du Christianisme sur le Droit) has adopted the same view. Aubertin, in the work I have already cited, has maintained the opposite view (which is that of all or nearly all English critics) with masterly skill and learning. The Abbé Dourif (Rapports du Stoïcisme et du Christianisme) has placed side by side the passages from each writer which are most alike. 642. Quoted by St. Augustine.—De Civ. Dei, vi. 11. 643. xi. 3. 644. The history of the two schools has been elaborately traced by Ritter, Pressensé, and many other writers. I would especially refer to the fourth volume of Degerando's most fascinating Histoire de la Philosophie. 645. “Scurra Atticus,” Min. Felix, Octav. This term is said by Cicero to have been given to Socrates by Zeno. (Cic. De Nat. Deor. i. 34.) 646. Tertull. De Anima, 39. 647. See especially his Apol. ii. 8, 12, 13. He speaks of the σπερματικὸς λόγος. 648. See, on all this, Clem. Alex. Strom. v., and also i. 22. 649. St. Clement repeats this twice (Strom. i. 24, v. 14). The writings of this Father are full of curious, and sometimes ingenious, attempts to trace different phrases of the great philosophers, orators, and poets to Moses. A vast amount of learning and ingenuity has been expended in the same cause by Eusebius. (Præp. Evan. xii. xiii.) The tradition of the derivation of Pagan philosophy from the Old Testament found in general little favour among the Latin writers. There is some curious information on this subject in Waterland's “Charge to the Clergy of Middlesex, to prove that the wisdom of the ancients was borrowed from revelation; delivered in 1731.” It is in the 8th volume of Waterland's works (ed. 1731). 650. St. Clement (Strom. i.) mentions that some think him to have been Ezekiel, an opinion which St. Clement himself does not hold. See, on the patristic notions about Pythagoras, Legendre, Traité de l'Opinion, tome i. p. 164. 651. This was the opinion of Julius Firmicus Maternus, a Latin writer of the age of Constantine, “Nam quia Saræ pronepos fuerat ... Serapis dictus est Græco sermone, hoc est Σαρᾶς ἄπο.”—Julius Firmicus Maternus, De Errore Profanarum Religionum, cap. xiv. 652. Justin Martyr, Apol. i. 54; Trypho, 69-70. There is a very curious collection of Pagan legends that were parallel to Jewish incidents, in La Mothe le Vayer, let. xciii. 653. Suet. Vesp. 7; Tacit. Hist. iv. 81. There is a slight difference between the two historians about the second miracle. Suetonius says it was the leg, Tacitus that it was the hand, that was diseased. The god Serapis was said to have revealed to the patients that they would be cured by the emperor. Tacitus says that Vespasian did not believe in his own power; that it was only after much persuasion he was induced to try the experiment; that the blind man was well known in Alexandria, where the event occurred, and that eyewitnesses who had no motive to lie still attested the miracle. 654. The following is a good specimen of the language which may still be uttered, apparently without exciting any protest, from the pulpit in one of the great centres of English learning: “But we have prayed, and not been heard, at least in this present visitation. Have we deserved to be heard? In former visitations it was observed commonly how the cholera lessened from the day of the public humiliation. When we dreaded famine from long-continued drought, on the morning of our prayers the heaven over our head was of brass; the clear burning sky showed no token of change. Men looked with awe at its unmitigated clearness. In the evening was the cloud like a man's hand; the relief was come.” (And then the author adds, in a note): “This describes what I myself saw on the Sunday morning in Oxford, on returning from the early communion at St. Mary's at eight. There was no visible change till the evening.”—Pusey's Miracles of Prayer, preached at Oxford, 1866. 655. E.g.: “A master of philosophy, travelling with others on the way, when a fearful thunderstorm arose, checked the fear of his fellows, and discoursed to them of the natural reasons of that uproar in the clouds, and those sudden flashes wherewith they seemed (out of the ignorance of causes) to be too much affrighted: in the midst of his philosophical discourse he was struck dead with the dreadful eruption which he slighted. What could this be but the finger of that God who will have his works rather entertained with wonder and trembling than with curious scanning?”—Bishop Hall, The Invisible World, § vi. 656. Sir C. Lewis On the Credibility of Roman Hist. vol. i. p. 50. 657. Cic. De Divin. lib. i. c. 1. 658. “The days on which the miracle [of the king's touch] was to be wrought were fixed at sittings of the Privy Council, and were solemnly notified by the clergy to all the parish churches of the realm. When the appointed time came, several divines in full canonicals stood round the canopy of state. The surgeon of the royal household introduced the sick. A passage of Mark xvi. was read. When the words ‘They shall lay their hands on the sick and they shall recover,’ had been pronounced, there was a pause and one of the sick was brought to the king. His Majesty stroked the ulcers.... Then came the Epistle, &c. The Service may still be found in the Prayer Books of the reign of Anne. Indeed, it was not until some time after the accession of George I. that the University of Oxford ceased to reprint the office of healing, together with the Liturgy. Theologians of eminent learning, ability, and virtue gave the sanction of their authority to this mummery, and, what is stranger still, medical men of high note believed, or affected to believe, it.... Charles II., in the course of his reign, touched near 100,000 persons.... In 1682 he performed the rite 8,500 times. In 1684 the throng was such that six or seven of the sick were trampled to death. James, in one of his progresses, touched 800 persons in the choir of the cathedral of Chester.”—Macaulay's History of England, c. xiv. 659. One of the surgeons of Charles II. named John Brown, whose official duty it was to superintend the ceremony, and who assures us that he has witnessed many thousands touched, has written an extremely curious account of it, called Charisma Basilicon (London, 1684). This miraculous power existed exclusively in the English and French royal families, being derived, in the first, from Edward the Confessor, in the second, from St. Lewis. A surgeon attested the reality of the disease before the miracle was performed. The king hung a riband with a gold coin round the neck of the person touched; but Brown thinks the gold, though possessing great virtue, was not essential to the cure. He had known cases where the cured person had sold, or ceased to wear, the medal, and his disease returned. The gift was unimpaired by the Reformation, and an obdurate Catholic was converted on finding that Elizabeth, after the Pope's excommunication, could cure his scrofula. Francis I. cured many persons when prisoner in Spain. Charles I., when a prisoner, cured a man by his simple benediction, the Puritans not permitting him to touch him. His blood had the same efficacy; and Charles II., when an exile in the Netherlands, still retained it. There were, however, some “Atheists, Sadducees, and ill-conditioned Pharisees” who even then disbelieved it; and Brown gives the letter of one who went, a complete sceptic, to satisfy his friends, and came away cured and converted. It was popularly, but Brown says erroneously, believed that the touch was peculiarly efficacious on Good Friday. An official register was kept, for every month in the reign of Charles II., of the persons touched, but two years and a half appear to be wanting. The smallest number touched in one year was 2,983 (in 1669); the total, in the whole reign, 92,107. Brown gives numbers of specific cases with great detail. Shakspeare has noticed the power (Macbeth, Act iv. Scene 3). Dr. Johnson, when a boy, was touched by Queen Anne; but at that time few persons, except Jacobites, believed the miracle. 660.

Лукреций, кн. VI. Поэт говорит, что в земле есть определенные семена огня, вокруг воды, которые солнце притягивает к себе, но которые холод ночи подавляет и заставляет вернуться к воде.

Источник Юпитера Аммона и многие другие, которые считались чудесными, отмечены Плинием, «Естественная история», II, 106.

«Не улетай еще; источник, который играл в старые времена в тени Аммона, хотя днем он бежал ледяным холодом, все же, подобно душам веселья, начинал гореть, когда приближалась ночь». — «Мелодии» Мура.